Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 455

Chapter 455: Chapter 28, Everyone is Acting

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The British movements did not escape the notice of the Austrian Envoy to Portugal, and the news was relayed back to Vienna at once. Now it was the Vienna Government’s turn to be confused, utterly clueless as to why the British suddenly seemed to have swallowed gunpowder.

The South African crisis was only a potential issue, and Austria was currently preoccupied with managing its newly acquired territories, certainly not looking to pick a fight with the British.

Not long ago, József Jellacic, the Minister of Colonization, retired with honors, and now the affairs were being managed by the acting Colonial Minister, Stephen.

Stephen too was something of a legend. As an Army Lieutenant Colonel during Austria’s territorial expansion, he was temporarily appointed Mayor of New Brook, which kickstarted his meteoric rise.

After serving one after another as Governor of West Africa, and then Governor of Congo, he was recalled to Vienna and installed as Vice Minister of Colonies. Upon József Jellacic’s retirement, he took over the responsibilities.

With years of development, the Colonial Department had grown far beyond its initial trivial status, becoming a powerful entity ranking just behind the Foreign, Finance, and Defence Ministries.

Colonial Minister Stephen explained, “Your Majesty, we have verified that in recent times, there have been no significant conflicts between us and the British in the region of Africa.

Just last month, the Governor of West Africa engaged in communications with the British regarding the issue of British colonial outposts in the West Africa region. The negotiations made a breakthrough, and now it is merely a matter of negotiating the price.”

Clearly, this Anglo-Austrian crisis in South Africa was not instigated by the Austrian African Colonial Government. Colonial bureaucrats are not fools; even if they intended to act against South Africa, now would certainly not be the time.

Wouldn’t it be better to wait until the railway goes through, before considering designs on the South African region?

Moreover, if the conflicts in the West Africa region can be resolved through negotiation, conflicts in the South African region could well be addressed in the same manner.

There may be warmongers, but nobody would choose to have the British as adversaries. On land, they might be manageable, but at sea, the tables are turned.

Over the gold mines in the West Africa region, there was a deadlock for more than a decade. Now Austria has successively smoothed things over with the Dutch, the Portuguese, and the French, not by military force, but primarily because the gold mines there are exhausted.

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To be exact, the economically viable gold mines within the territories controlled by various nations have been mined out.

Without economic interests, and lacking strategic value, the remaining issues naturally become manageable. As for colonies, as long as the price is right, they can be sold.

If someone offers a high price, Franz wouldn’t mind selling off a few colonies. The Austrian colonies, scattered around the world, cumulatively cover more than 17 million square kilometers, including many areas of little value.

One can discern the level of priority given; Franz values the African colonies not for their richness, nor their high strategic value, but because they are nearby and have significant potential for development.

The regions in Asia and America may have more favorable natural conditions, yet distance dictates the Vienna Government’s weak control over those regions.

With transoceanic telegraphy still being established, the Vienna Government has no choice but to delegate powers to the colonies until instant communication can be guaranteed.

Profiting from them is sufficient; aside from the Central American colonies, which are of strategic importance as a way to restrain the Americans, the rest are merely economic interests.

Tragic cases like Alaska even require subsidies each year. Franz also casually claimed several uninhabited islands near Canada, planning to use them to that antagonize the British.

Foreign Minister Weisenberg analyzed, “According to the intelligence we’ve collected, the British actions are quite odd. If they could win over the Portuguese, they would indeed be able to dominate the South African region.

In reality, while there is no alliance, in the issue of South Africa both parties have long stood united. Our expansion has been too rapid, making the Portuguese very wary, often leaning towards the British.

However, it would be unwise for them to outright stand as our enemies.

Even if they were to drive us out of South Africa, it would only be a temporary situation. Once relations are broken, even with British support, Portugal could not hold onto its African colonies.

We could end the Portuguese colonial empire at any time if we wished. Given this context, I do not believe Portugal would dare make a move.

We can see this, and so can the British. To act despite knowing it is impractical suggests there is likely a significant underlying issue.”

Weisenberg saw there was a problem, and so did Franz, but it was regrettable that it was not known what exactly compelled the British to act in this manner.

Winning over Portugal is not impossible; if the stakes are high enough, they might indeed fall for it.

However, Franz did not believe the British would be willing to offer enough. Furthermore, even if the British are willing to make promises, would the Portuguese dare to trust them?

No boastfulness intended, but these days, the reputation of the British is only slightly better than that of the Russians.

Portugal is one of the founding colonizers, and these ploys have been played by them before. It is not easy to fool them.

Could it be that disclosures of gold reserves in South Africa have made the British desperate to take control, even risking a fallout with Austria?

However, Franz dismissed this idea shortly afterward. Ascertaining the gold reserves is not an easy task. Merely finding a few gold mines, even if it’s the Rand deposit, would not be enough to make the British take a risk.

It’s not that the lure of the Rand deposit is too small; it’s that such claims wouldn’t be believed if they were made. With an implied reserve of 60,000 tons of gold, it would be a joke. Whether the total gold mined in the world to date even reaches that amount is a big question.

With the exploratory and mining technology of the time, an estimate of a reserve of maybe two to three thousand tons was the limit; it couldn’t be more.

Over ninety-five percent of the gold deposits in later times would have no mining value in this era. Many rich mines remained untapped due to natural conditions.

Otherwise, gold mining in the West Africa region would not have been nearly depleted in just over a decade. It’s not that the gold mines are exhausted, but rather, the economically viable gold mines have been mined out.

Since it is not for gold, it can’t possibly be for diamonds either, as diamond prices have not yet been inflated.

“”

Most people are contemplating the issue of getting enough to eat and can’t afford such luxuries. The rich aren’t easy to cheat and don’t place excessive importance on diamonds.

“Keep a close watch on the British actions, not just in the Region of Africa, but anywhere our interests might be involved. We must stay alert.”

No matter what the British intend to do, as long as we find a way to thwart their plans. Since they are cozying up to Portugal, let our people stir up trouble.”

Unable to figure it out, Franz simply couldn’t be bothered to think any further and decided to resort to sabotage. It was entirely possible that the British feint was directed elsewhere.

Franz had played this game himself. Often, the release of a mix of fake and real information aimed to mislead the enemy.

If one allowed themselves to be led by the nose, they fell into the trap; it was better to adopt a flexible response to any situation.

After all, even if the Anglo-Portuguese alliance were true, the worst Austria might suffer temporarily in the South African region was a modest setback, which could be made up in three to five years, posing no threat to Austria’s core interests.

…

In Lisbon, the envoys of both Anglo-Austrian countries sprang into action, and the atmosphere within the Portuguese Government grew tense.

It was a difficult choice to make. If the Anglo-Austrian countries went directly to war, Portugal would naturally side with the British.

After all, with France and Spain as buffers on land and the British Royal Navy on the sea, Austria could not reach Portugal.

The regrettable fact was that the conflict was merely a colonial one; war was a long way off. Picking a side at this time was risky.

Supporting either side would offend the other. In the games of great powers, no one truly held sway over the other, but both could very well retaliate against Portugal.

The government’s tense atmosphere quickly spread to the populace. Many were aware that Portugal’s moment of destiny had arrived.

Now, Portugal was divided into two factions. In general, British supporters were in the majority, but Austria’s requests were more modest and involved less risk.

Remaining neutral without direct involvement in major power conflicts garnered support from the centrists, and now both factions were evenly matched.

As a merchant engaged in overseas trade, Rosdon was also quite concerned with international politics. Observing the display of power by both Anglo-Austrian countries, he had even deferred recent long-distance shipping ventures.

There were plenty of opportunities to make money, but certainly not now. Setting sail in such tense times was to invite trouble from pirates, wasn’t it?

Indeed, should the Portuguese Government mishandle the situation, the encounter with pirates would undoubtedly increase.

The integrity of the great powers was exalted in such a way; if they disliked you, they’d stab you in the back. Both the Anglo and Austrian empires operated on a global scale, and avoiding their reach was impossible.

For safety, Portuguese trade ships had drastically reduced their frequency of voyages recently, and while coastal trade remained as usual, deep-sea commerce was approached with extreme caution.

Being plundered by pirates left some chance of survival; if the navy did so, it would be a death sentence.

Pirates, after shearing the fleece, usually spared the lives of merchants, as they depended on them for their livelihood; naval robbery however, often required silencing witnesses for the sake of reputation.

Generally, national navies were not wont to play pirates, but the occasional black sheep was understandable.

It was better not to gamble on such luck. After all, the integrity of the Anglo-Austrian countries was less than stellar. If the government took sides just as they set sail, provoking enemy retaliation, they would be in danger.

In this era, thousands of ships met with accidents every year, and more than two hundred were lost without a trace. Deep sea trade truly came with high risks.

Upon reaching the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building, Rosdon encountered an old friend. No need to ask, he knew it was to do with the Anglo-Austrian conflict.

“Julian, how are things?”

Rosdon asked expectantly. If the situation dragged on, they would miss the optimal season for deep-sea voyaging. In this era, sailing depended mainly on wind power, and sea monsoons were a crucial factor.

Julian shook his head, teasingly saying, “No resolution yet, these government officials are still at a stalemate, acting as if Portugal’s stance is so significant.”

Rosdon, sharing the sentiment, said angrily, “Damn bastards, if this drags on, we’ll be eating dirt this year!”

The Portuguese bourgeoisie had long been dissatisfied with the government. Even though Louis I had introduced some reforms, they had not pleased the capitalists.

The government’s hesitation now only inflamed the capitalists’ discontent. In the eyes of most capitalists, taking a side was laughable at this point.

Although both Anglo-Austrian countries were courting Portugal, neither placed much emphasis on it, nor offered significant benefits.

With that in mind, why risk choosing a side? Why not remain neutral? To get involved in the Anglo-Austrian conflict was to invite disaster.

While it was fine to think this way, acting on it was another matter. Portugal, already in decline, had, through diplomatic cunning, managed to keep its vast colonies.

Louis I also wished to declare neutrality, refraining from participating in the quarrel between the Anglo-Austrian countries, but the decision was not his to make.

The British were unwilling to let go, and Austria wanted to see what the Brits were really up to. The Portuguese Government could only play along.