Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 427

Chapter 427: Chapter 134, The King with a Difficult Labor

With Austria out of the way, the London Peace Conference developed in a way that was favorable to the Kingdom of Prussia. On September 1, 1867, Prussia and Denmark signed an armistice treaty.

There was no avoiding territorial concessions, as the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies had been swallowed whole by Prussia and naturally couldn’t be spit back out.

There was no point in hoping for financial reparations, since the Kingdom of Denmark had a new backer—the Nordic Federation. Although this nation, still in formation, wasn’t as strong as the Kingdom of Prussia, it had no problems with self-preservation.

The Swedish people didn’t strive for the Schleswig-Holstein Duchies, mainly because they were worried about Denmark’s strength being too formidable, which would not be conducive to their control over the state.

Moreover, Carl XV of Sweden wished to annex Finland, which meant standing opposite the Russians; starting a conflict with Prussia as well would have been too much of a defense burden.

Even so, Sweden still helped Denmark demand a symbolic compensation of about two million Divine Shields, taking the feelings of the Danish people into account.

That was a trifling sum, and the Kingdom of Prussia, despite its poverty, could afford it. In order to secure the deal quickly, the Berlin Government readily agreed.

Because they shared a common enemy in the Russians, the soon-to-be-established Nordic Federation and Prussia would have many commonalities. If it hadn’t been for the intention to bring Denmark into the fold, the Swedish Government would have kicked Russia while it was down long ago.

From this perspective, Prussia giving up the Jutland Peninsula in exchange for an ally was still a profitable deal.

The Russian Empire had deep roots; even though it was weakened, it was still not to be underestimated.

If they continued to decline, so be it, but if the Russians once again rose in power, the Kingdom of Prussia would be the first to bear the brunt.

It was necessary to be proactive; with an extra Nordic Federation to the north restraining the Russians, Prussia’s pressure would be greatly diminished.

For this reason, the Kingdom of Prussia made no demands over the Skagerrak Strait (Jutland Strait).

Of course, Prussia’s pint-sized navy was also one of the reasons that prompted the Berlin Government to give up. With their current naval strength, occupation would have proved useless.

…

After the signing of the Prussia-Denmark armistice treaty, the Tsarist Government also made concessions. On September 26, 1867, Prussia, Poland, and Russia signed an armistice treaty.

This time, the Russians bled profusely, as recognizing Poland’s independence was inevitable, and the Tsarist Government was also forced to accept nearly all the territorial demands of the Prusso-Polish nations.

The Polish Region gained independence, the Lithuanian Region was lost, the Latvian Region was relinquished, the Belarusian Region couldn’t be kept, and a chunk of Ukraine was cut away.

This loss went beyond the confines of Russia Poland, totaling nearly 790,000 square kilometers of lost territory and a population shortfall of 20 million, which dealt nearly a threefold blow to their industrial capacity.

At the end of the 18th century, as Poland was partitioned by Prussia, Russia, and Austria, the Russians obtained the largest share of about 460,000 square kilometers. At the Vienna Congress in 1815, they were further compensated with parts of Prussian Poland’s territory (Warsaw region).

Combined, these territories were less than 600,000 square kilometers, and now, the Russians were paying back even more than they got—the whole ordeal was bound to hurt Alexander II for a long time.

Having made territorial concessions, the Tsarist Government naturally would not make any financial reparations. Prussia and Poland, who had hoped that war indemnities would solve their financial crises, were proven to have miscalculated this time.

The Tsarist Government needed its funds to suppress rebellion—this was an aspect Alexander II dared not neglect.

The threat posed by Prussia and Poland was merely a minor ailment, akin to a cold, while the threat from rebels was like cancer; although still in its early stages, if not treated promptly, death would ensue.

When weighing two detriments, the lesser of two evils was chosen, so it was only natural to compromise with the Prusso-Polish first. Land would not run away; even if ceded, once their strength was restored, they could retake it.

Money, however, was different; without it in hand, it was impossible to suppress rebellion, and without quelling the rebels, the Tsarist Government’s rule would be threatened.

According to the treaty terms: the Kingdom of Prussia would acquire the Lithuanian Region, most of the Latvian Region, most of the Belarusian Region, totaling an area of approximately 286,000 square kilometers with a population around 4.7 million people.

Poland, on the other hand, received the remaining areas, totaling approximately 504,000 square kilometers, including the core Polish Region of Warsaw, parts of the Belarusian Region, and the majority of the Western Ukraine Region, with the border stretching into the Kiev area.

Clearly, the Russians sustained great losses this time, even Smolensk was gone, lying merely 360 kilometers from Moscow.

In 1611, this area was occupied by the Polish, and during negotiations, it was considered an old Polish territory and was included in the Belarusian Region.

This wasn’t a matter of the Tsarist Government’s weakness, but a reality of being actually occupied by the enemy. Unless they resorted to military force, there was no way to reclaim it.

Most of the ceded land comprised areas under enemy control; through negotiations, they reclaimed a good deal of territory. The Russian Army had lost too much ground to the enemy during the winter campaigns, which diminished their bargaining power in the negotiations.

The newly independent Kingdom of Poland inherited the Russian legacy, becoming a rising European power overnight, with a population of over fifteen million, similar to that of the Kingdom of Prussia before the war.

While the industry wasn’t much to speak of, the agricultural foundation was solid. Most of the land consisted of plains, ensuring that cultivating the land for a comfortable life was not an issue.

However, this was hardly enough to satisfy the Provisional Government. In the age of the sea, how could one proudly claim to be a great power without access to the sea?

Well, the Polish people had just gained independence and were already dreaming of becoming a great power.

In theory, Poland did have the foundations to rise. Although the overall population was not high, they had a high birth rate.

The industrial scale was not large, but the Russians had left behind a significant industrial system, and consolidating it could save a lot of time.

The country had rich domestic resources, enough to meet the early demands of the Industrial Revolution. Certain mineral reserves were so abundant that there was no need to worry about currency issues—for example, silver was plentiful.

They had a surplus of grain production, which could be exported in exchange for foreign currency to develop the domestic economy.

This was all theoretical, however, as the biggest actual flaw was the lack of “talent”. One should not expect the intellectuals left behind by the Tsarist Government to serve them; most had taken up the revolutionary path and were ready to make their mark in politics.

Many intellectuals were all talk, with no real practical abilities having been nurtured.

Of course, there were exceptions, but they were far too few. The second Industrial Revolution had begun, and what a nation needed was a large number of knowledgeable, technically skilled engineers.

In terms of the quality of its population, Germany currently had the advantage. The states that had completed compulsory education were all concentrated in Germany.

England and France had not universalized compulsory education, not to mention other countries. Education was a privilege of the wealthy, and while church schools occasionally taught commoners some knowledge, it was far from sufficient.

Having only just obtained national independence, the Polish people had not been swept up in hubris. Despite their dissatisfaction with Prussia over the issue of sea access, the two sides had not yet come to blows.

The Kingdom of Poland was currently lacking a king, and this was causing everyone great concern.

According to Polish tradition, the search for a king would definitely be conducted abroad, with the major rulers from Germany as potential candidates.

There were too many issues to consider, including diplomatic maneuvering between nations. The Polish Parliament was currently in the throes of heated debate, and the selection of a King of Poland might just be a difficult birth.

At present, King Wilhelm I of Prussia had clearly joined the struggle for the throne, and the possibility of a Prusso-Polish union emerged with the prospect of Poland and Prussia sharing a monarch.

Theoretically, forming a Federal Empire would be in the interest of both Prussian and Polish nations. They faced a common threat—Russia and Austria.

These two enemies were too powerful; neither could match them alone, and only by uniting could they possess the strength to stand against them.

Of course, this was merely theoretical. The question of who would take the lead was a vexing one, and Poland’s glorious history became the greatest obstacle to this alliance.

With the Russian threat not yet eliminated, the Polish Provisional Government needed the Prussians’ help and came close to making concessions to the Berlin Government; however, the international environment at the time did not permit it.

France and Austria did not want to see a Prusso-Polish union and issued stern warnings. At such a critical moment in the war, the Berlin Government dared not offend France and Austria, and the plan came to nothing.

While both sides were reluctant at the time, now that the real threat no longer existed, the Polish people were even less willing to be subordinate.

Of course, there was always a strong call for the union of the two nations, and the support for electing Wilhelm I as the King of Poland was still considerable in the Polish Parliament.

However, this popular candidate was knocked out of the running from the start.

He faced strong opposition from all three nations of France, Austria, and Russia, and even if the Polish Parliament unanimously supported him, Wilhelm I would not dare to accept the Polish throne.

If it were a matter of the two countries merging, Wilhelm I might have dared to risk a try. But merely sharing a monarch, and facing opposition from the three great powers, Wilhelm I was too cautious.

It was not only his problem; the key issue was that the Polish Parliament was even more cautious. Faced with intervention from the great powers, they dared not proceed to a vote.

Of course, the Berlin Government had not entirely given up. The ongoing disputes in the Polish Parliament were to a large extent stirred up by their efforts.

In this Prusso-Polish war against Russia, the Kingdom of Prussia also opportunistically completed its infiltration of Poland, with over eighty percent of officers and soldiers in the Polish Army now trained by Prussian instructors.

The Pro-Prussian faction within Poland was also very strong. Although no one wanted to be Prussia’s junior, this did not mean that they all opposed Wilhelm I becoming the King of Poland.

With such a significant advantage, the Prussians naturally wanted to compete. To declare defeat without making an effort was not their style.

The international opposition was strong, mainly stemming from France and Austria. As for the Russian Empire, their opinion could almost be ignored, as they would not have the capacity to interfere with the Polish throne until they had resolved their own civil strife.

The British had not explicitly supported or opposed the matter and could be considered neutral. There were plenty of small European nations, most holding opposing views, but their opinions were of little significance.

Securing the Polish throne was crucial for Prussia’s annexation of Poland. If they couldn’t secure it, they would rather leave the Polish throne vacant for the time being.