Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 156
Chapter 156: Chapter 43, No Permanent Enemies
CƟntinue reading on ΒΟXNΟVEL.ϹʘM
Translator: 549690339
The strategy of having a large reserve force passed, and an increase in military spending was inevitable. In the short term, the growth in military spending would not be significant, but as the number of reservists increased, it would be a different story.
Even if maintaining a reserve force was cheaper, the military expenditure would not be less than fifteen percent of that of the regular army. The old equipment could be handed down from the regular army and soldier salaries could be saved, but training expenses, no matter what, could not be spared.
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Normally, the reserve force of the Austrian Empire was required to have no less than two months of training each year. After training, the government still had to provide a gratuity.
With an annual increase of two hundred thousand reserve soldiers, this expense would be equivalent to expanding the army by thirty thousand per year. Once the total number of reservists reached two million, the cap would be equivalent to an increase of two hundred and fifty thousand active troops on the current basis. (discounting the existing five hundred thousand reservists)
If the growth of Austrian financial revenues continued at the previous rate, it was estimated that this plan would not last long before it was aborted.
Franz couldn’t help but feel fortunate that the industrial age had arrived, otherwise agricultural Austria really could not afford so many soldiers.
“Considering that the future colonial strategy requires close cooperation between the navy and the army, I’ve decided to establish a general staff, with Marshal Radetzky serving as the first chief of staff,” Franz dropped a bombshell.
Without a doubt, this general staff would be independent of the army and navy. In name, it was only meant to coordinate the naval and army forces cooperation, but in reality, during wartime, this staff would be placed above both the Army and Navy Departments.
If there were no power, how could it coordinate? Would it still be necessary to send someone to reason with the subordinate troops?
Especially since the first chief of staff was Marshal Radetzky, a highly respected figure in the Austrian army, would he allow the general staff to be overshadowed?
“Your Majesty, our colonial overseas strategy has not yet reached the implementation stage. Isn’t it too early to set up a general staff?” Prince Windischgrätz opposed.
Opposition was necessary. With the addition of a general staff, there would be many overlaps in authority with the Army and Navy Departments, inevitably encroaching on their powers.
Compared to the vehement reaction of Prince Windischgrätz, the relatively inconspicuous Minister of the Navy was indifferent.
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Establishing an institution managing both forces was a matter of time, and the appointment of Marshal Radetzky, who came from an army background, as the chief of staff certainly signified the dominance of the army.
With the chief of staff also hailing from the army, it would be difficult for him to meddle in naval affairs. In the face of professional misalignment, the renowned Marshal Radetzky would surely not interfere without reason, right?
The establishment of the general staff also signified that the Austrian Government had formally decided on the overseas colonization strategy, thus the extensive building of a navy became inevitable.
Given Austria’s international standing, the navy must rank within the top five in the world, otherwise, there would be no confidence when competing for territories.
Compared with the benefits, the Navy Department could fully accept some loss of power. Not to mention, the naval military spending could increase by several million this year again.
Franz casually found a reason to explain, “The earlier we prepare, the more complete it will be, to prevent chaos when the time comes. The balance on the European Continent is maintained for now, but when this situation will break is an unknown.
Although we judge that the Russians may make a move on the Ottoman Empire, there is always a possibility of the unexpected. If the Russians decide to expand into Central Asia, or into the Far Eastern region.
Our original strategic plan would then become unfeasible. In that case, our last resort strategy of overseas colonization could also be moved to the top priority.”
The Russians would be foolish not to strike at the Ottomans, who lie within easy reach, and instead venture into Central Asia or the Far Eastern region to “eat dust”.
Regardless of whether Prince Windischgrätz could accept it or not, Franz had shown him consideration just by entertaining the opposition. Bringing it up for discussion was to reflect democracy and also to identify and address any shortcomings.
If everyone opposed it, then it would prove the plan was unreliable. Either it was too advanced for everyone to accept, or it did not fit the national conditions of Austria and could not be implemented.
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If that happened, Franz, of course, would gracefully retract his proposal. Now that only Prince Windischgrätz was opposing, then the resolution was considered passed.
Taking into account that army generals might resist the general staff, Franz had specifically chosen the highly esteemed Marshal Radetzky so that they would have nothing to complain about.
Once the first chief of staff was secure, everyone would get used to it. The general staff did not hold much actual power during peacetime, and Franz would not allow them to assume both training and command responsibilities.
Checks and balances were necessary. The general staff could command the military of the whole country during the war, but recruitment, training, and logistical support systems would still be in the hands of the Navy and Army Departments.
Franz had taken precautions against the kind of overpowering by the general staff over the emperor that had occurred in German history.
Beyond these checks and balances, the Palace Guard and Vienna’s City Defense Army were directly responsible to the Emperor; neither the Army Department nor the general staff had the right to command them.
Munich
Maximilian I had initially thought that with the support of the major powers, the Kingdom of Bavaria could integrate the smaller states in the Germany Region. Reality, however, dealt him a heavy blow.
The smaller states were unwilling to be swallowed by Austria or Prussia and were similarly disinclined to be annexed by Bavaria. They had good relations in ordinary times because they banded together for warmth and to jointly resist threats from Prussia-Austria.
This was also why Prussia had poor popularity in the German Confederation; Bavaria buffered the threat from Austria, which was not as apparent to the others, but as a neighbor, the threat from Prussia was felt by all.
“Has Württemberg also rejected our attempts to court them?” Maximilian I asked with a furrowed brow.
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“Yes, Your Majesty,” the Foreign Minister replied succinctly.
Württemberg was also considered one of the “major countries” in the German Confederation with territory size only behind Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria.
The Kingdom of Bavaria’s wish to establish itself independently required the support of Württemberg, which was impossible without it. Obviously, no one wished to be a stepping stone for others, and the Württemberg Government did not wish to become a vassal of Bavaria.
Even if the merger was only nominal and Württemberg retained almost all its rights, it was still unacceptable.
No one is a fool, if the entire German Confederation were to merge now, Austria, which holds a dominant position, would also retain their rights. There are no other reasons, it’s just that they can’t swallow it.
Similarly, if Prussia was to annex the smaller states excluding Austria, they also couldn’t swallow it and would have to make compromises.
The Kingdom of Bavaria is the same now, don’t look at the remaining territories of the German Confederation as being small in area, they are actually regions with decent economic development and dense populations.
So when Maximilian I threw out favorable conditions, everyone flatly refused. With Prussia and Austria watching from the sidelines, would Bavaria dare to threaten them with force?
Do you really think everyone would back down with the support of the great powers? Don’t forget that Prussia and Austria are also among the great powers, and nobody compromises with them!
No, Prussia can only be considered a quasi-great power, possessing the military might of a great power but not its national strength.
To some extent, the Kingdom of Prussia maintains a strong army precisely because it fears being annexed by Austria.
If he had a choice, Frederick William IV would not want to put on a fat face with a swollen cheek. The Prussian Government’s finances could go bankrupt at any time, yet their military expenses have never fallen short by even a cent.
Undercurrents were already surging within the Kingdom of Bavaria, how could the many Germanic associations in Austria not play a role?
The news that the Bavarian Government wanted independence was leaked, and preparations for a parade against national separatism had already commenced.
To avoid suspicion, those in charge of planning this parade were all German nationalists, and the organizations and individuals related to Austria were only there to wave flags and shout.
Berlin
Since the end of the Prussia-Denmark war, the Kingdom of Prussia had embarked on a path of reform. The first issue facing the government was—finance.
Unlike in history, the Prussia-Denmark war dragged on for a little longer this time, meaning military expenditures increased by some fifty or sixty million shields.
Theoretically, as long as they could obtain the funds raised for them by the people of the Germany Region, they would basically be able to fill this gap.
Clearly, this was impossible, not to mention getting the remaining funds. Now, at various embassies and offices of the Kingdom of Prussia in other sub-states, there were oftentimes people disturbing them to collect debts.
When facing these people, they dared neither touch nor scold them, and when reasoning, the people stubbornly insisted—they’re swindlers.
Having no choice, these staff members didn’t even dare to go shopping for fear of being hit by unidentified flying objects, and all their living problems had to be solved by the government of the country they were in.
To divert public attention, the Prussian Government even went so far as to compromise and propose a “Tripartite Cabinet Responsibility” with the Kingdom of Bavaria.
Unsurprisingly, it aroused the jealousy of the great powers, and under diplomatic pressure, this plan was stillborn shortly after its implementation.
If you say that Frederick William IV did not hold a grudge inside, that would be impossible. Unfortunately, although he had grievances, he had nowhere to vent them.
In this series of measures, the Prussian Government acted by the book and did not make any major mistakes; they could not be blamed for the failure.
The reactions of Austria, Bavaria, and other countries were as natural as could be; everyone was looking at the issues from their own interests, and no one owed anyone anything.
“Prime Minister, how far has the negotiation for borrowing money from the British progressed?” Frederick William IV enquired with concern.
“Your Majesty, borrowing money from the British is probably not going to work; they proposed a condition that is unacceptable,” replied Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich with a wry smile.
“What kind of condition? Is there really no room for negotiation?” Frederick William IV asked, puzzled.
Joseph von Radovich sighed and said, “The British demand that we permanently withdraw from the German Federation!”
“What?” Frederick William IV asked incredulously.
Withdraw from the German Federation? If the Kingdom of Prussia were to withdraw from the German Federation, Prussia’s dream of being a great power would be shattered, and they would be reduced to a medium-sized power at their current size.
Frederick William IV was certain that once Prussia withdrew from the German Federation, the British would definitely ally with France and Russia to pressure Austria to make the same decision.
Then, the remaining Germanic sub-states would merge into another medium-sized nation. Given the complex international situation, this newly established country might lack ambition, but would certainly be more than sufficient in self-preservation.
After a pause, Frederick William IV finally came to his senses and said, “No, we absolutely cannot accept such terms. We must contact the Austrian Government as soon as possible; they surely do not wish to leave in such a dejected manner!”
Without a doubt, Frederick William IV was thinking too far; he assumed the British were ready to break up the German Federation.
While they always wanted to break the Austria-led German Federation, if the German Federation really fell apart, Austria would definitely not be the most worried.
Even if they left the German Federation, the Austrian Empire would still be a great power in Europe, but not so for the Kingdom of Prussia; without the Federation, they would lose the opportunity to advance further.
“Your Majesty, we cannot rush this issue. The Austrians will not give up the Germany Region either. We just need to let the Austrian Government know through various channels,” analyzed Prime Minister Joseph von Radovich.
“The British can wish for it, but they can’t make it a reality. Even if France, Russia, and England press together, as long as we and Austria don’t give in, they can’t force us, surely they won’t go to war over this?”
The unity of Prussia and Austria also featured the problem of who had the initiative; if Prussia simply approached them, wouldn’t that mean giving up the lead in the alliance?