Holy Roman Empire - Chapter 152

Chapter 152: Chapter 39, Surging Clouds

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Translator: 549690339

The countries of Europe had no desire to see the Germany Region unify, whether it was the “Three Countries Cabinet” cobbled together by an alliance of Bavaria and the Prussians, or the “Federal Cabinet” proposed by Austria, none were outcomes the great powers wanted to see.

Even the flapping of a butterfly’s wings can create a tornado, and Franz’s arrival had likewise impacted European history. The Russians’ attitude had shifted, no longer wanting the Germany Region to maintain the status quo but rather seeking the dissolution of the German Federation.

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England and France had the same idea, having experienced the horrors of nationalism in the revolutions of 1848.

Austria’s successful reform also caused them concern, fearful that binding the Germany Region together like this could one day revive the Holy Roman Empire.

The best choice was to split into three—Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, and the remaining sub-states could unite to form independent nations, or dissolve the German Federal Parliament and let these sub-states become completely independent.

Independent?

Now was the 19th century, not the 21st, an era belonging to colonialism, where the law of the jungle was vividly displayed.

Don’t be fooled by the German Federation, which seems not to have played much of a role; in fact, it is the existence of the Federation that has ensured their national defense and security.

Without the protection of the German Federation, these sub-states in the Germany Region could find themselves facing annihilation in the blink of an eye.

The Prussians wanted to expand, the French wanted to expand, and Austria wanted to expand too; it was the presence of the Federation that balanced their influences, preventing Prussia from acting against them, deterring France from making a move, and disabling Austria from taking action.

The complicated international situation was the reason for the existence of this oddity called the German Federation following the end of the Holy Roman Empire.

The small sub-states were huddling together for warmth, with Bavaria naturally becoming the leader of these small states, responsible for leading everyone against the dominance of Prussia and Austria.

After some thought, Franz said, “Continue to increase our infiltration of the Bavarian Region, if we can’t yet sway the upper echelons of the government, we’ll start with co-opting some of the middle and lower levels.”

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Winning hearts does come at a cost, and Austria couldn’t offer much to the higher levels of the Bavarian Government, but it was different with the middle and lower echelons—just a little incentive would be enough to change their stance.

Felix suggested, “Your Majesty, we need to establish a German National Unification Organization, dedicated to winning over people from all walks of life, undermining the resolve of various countries to oppose Austria.

Our strategy for the South German States is to prioritize political co-opting with military means as a secondary tool. Apart from the hardliners that must be dealt with, we aim to win over as many of the rest as we can.

Bavaria is an indispensable link because of geopolitical reasons, they have great influence in the South German Region.

If a war for unification breaks out, and we can quickly occupy Bavaria, then it’s likely the remaining sub-states will capitulate in the face of our advance.”

Franz understood that the real goal, beyond winning over people from all walks of life, was to win over the lower nobility, especially the military aristocracy. If they were to side with Austria, the unification war would be much easier to fight.

Franz nodded and said, “Then let’s establish the German Unification Committee as an independent civilian organization dedicated to the unification of the Germany Region, publicly disassociating it with Austria.”

Such organizations obviously could not be associated with Austria; beyond the diplomatic issues, the methods and means of winning people over were definitely not as pristine as they might appear.

Intimidation and enticement are considered harmonious, but when necessary, they might even resort to coordinating an assassination to eliminate some stubborn elements, and this responsibility could only be placed on the shoulders of nationalist extremists.

They probably wouldn’t mind; it’s not a stain on their honor, and though they might be scolded now, after unification is achieved, they would be hailed as heroes of the Germany Region.

The diplomatic gambit had begun, and in this era, the problems of the Germany Region certainly were not just limited to being solved internally within the German Confederation; the attitudes of the major powers were also crucial.

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England, France, and Russia were three players that couldn’t be bypassed, especially the attitudes of France and Russia, which were vital as these two nations had the capability to intervene with military force.

However, it was not yet time to lay all the cards on the table; the Prussian Government simply wanted to show its public support for the unification of Germany to restore its damaged reputation, which did not mean they genuinely abandoned their ambition for the region or shifted to support Bavaria’s concept of a “Tripartite Standoff.”

Was the Bavarian Government oblivious to this issue? Clearly, that was impossible. If they could not see this, there wouldn’t be opposition to a union with Prussia.

Unfortunately, Maximilian I couldn’t resist the temptation; he saw only benefits and not the dangers. Walking a tightrope in diplomacy is prone to falling, and Bavaria still lacked a statesman capable of controlling the overall diplomatic scene.

In history, during the Prussia-Austria War, Bavaria wanted to sit on the sidelines and watch the fight. They failed to deliver on their promise of mobilizing a force of a hundred thousand, resulting in Prussia having a quarter more troops than Austria when the decisive battle took place.

Of course, Bavaria wasn’t the only one to let down an ally; apart from Hanover, nearly all of Austria’s allies ended up being easily defeated by the Prussians without shedding a drop of blood.

If not for Italy also being an unreliable ally, the Prussia-Austria War might have concluded even more quickly. Perhaps trusting their allies too much, the Austrian Government was utterly unguarded; they did not mobilize the nation and sent their active force of three hundred thousand directly into battle.

Clearly, Maximilian I’s strategic foresight was not impressive. He did not anticipate the Austrian Government’s cowardice. Following a devastating defeat, they simply and neatly conceded, not even attempting to fight to the death against the Prussians.

Having reviewed history, Franz realized that the Prussia and Austria, once kin, equally excelled in choosing terrible allies.

From the Prussia-Austria War to the end of World War II, they never seemed to be short of inept allies.

Paris

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After the Anti-French Wars, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs seldom saw such bustling activity. Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria were all seeking diplomatic support from them.

President Napoleon was extremely pleased; any matter that could extend France’s influence interested him.

Without even a second thought, President Napoleon knew who to support. Dividing the Germany Region into three and letting Bavaria lead the small sub-states against Prussia-Austria—that was the French’s best option.

Unfortunately, France was not in a suitable position to take the lead at this time; not only were there unresolved domestic issues, but other European nations also harbored deep reservations about them.

It was one thing to roar diplomatically, but actual interference in the affairs of the Germany Region could result in Prussia and Austria joining forces to beat them back.

In any case, whatever the President supported, the Parliament opposed, and whatever the Parliament supported, the President vetoed; Louis-Napoleon-Bonaparte simply played along.

As for the French Parliament, there’s even less to say, for their foreign policy was even more conservative, spending most of the time watching the British’s reactions.

London

Upon hearing the news that the German Federation was about to form a responsible Cabinet, Prime Minister John Russell’s first reaction was disbelief, and his second was that this emerging Cabinet must be dismantled.

Maintaining the balance of power on the European Continent was the British’s foremost national strategy. If the Germany Region achieved unification, a behemoth would emerge in Central Europe.

The second largest industrial nation in Europe, the second largest territory, the leading economic power, the strongest land army, the most populous nation the mere thought was terrifying.

With incredulity, John Russell complained, “What has happened? How did the world become so unrecognizable overnight?

Can anyone tell me why it’s suddenly possible that the Germany Region might be unified?”

Foreign Minister Palmerston explained, “Prime Minister, the Germany Region isn’t so easily united. The ‘responsible Cabinet’ is merely the product of a struggle among the three states of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, a Cabinet destined to lack real power and thus ineffective.”

Minister of State Edward furrowed his brow and said, “But the mere existence of this Cabinet still disrupts the balance of the Germany Region. Regardless of who wins or loses, the mere emergence of a responsible Cabinet is a significant step forward on the road to unification of the Germany Region.

Especially the ‘Three Countries Cabinet,’ if Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria reach a compromise, it’s very possible the Germany Region might actually unify, at least politically and militarily, they could form an alliance.”

Everyone in the room was adept in politics and naturally knew that fewer people meant it was easier to reach a consensus; it was less threatening for Austria to propose all the sub-states create a Cabinet together.

With over thirty sub-states in the Germany Region, and everyone must have a representative in the Cabinet, they would end up bickering every day.

Is a real alliance possible among the three states of Austria, Prussia, Bavaria?

From a purely interest-based analysis, the answer was yes; from a practical standpoint, it was no.

If Prussia was willing to give up its ambition of unifying Germany, then Franz would not mind abandoning the plan to annex the South German Region.

This somewhat resembled the alliance of the Three Jins during the Spring and Autumn Warring States Period; once Zhao, Wei, and Han formed an alliance, they could overpower all comers, and it was the same with Austria, Prussia, Bavaria now.

The difference lay in the fact that once the alliance was established, Prussia and Bavaria would have no further opportunities for expansion on the European Continent.

With its weaker power, Bavaria, sandwiched between Austria, France, and Prussia, would find their security guaranteed after the alliance, allowing them to focus on agriculture and striving for a decent life, aligning with their interests.

Austria could expand into the Balkan Peninsula and get manpower reinforcements from the Germany Region; its disadvantage of having a numerically inferior main ethnicity would be resolved, enabling it to invest more energy into overseas colonial expansion.

Moreover, given Austria’s size, it was only a matter of time before it took a leading role in the alliance; Franz saw no reason to oppose forming it.

Prussia was a different story; although they had strong military power, the Kingdom of Prussia’s actual size was not significant.

While maintaining a large Continental Army, the Kingdom of Prussia missed out on developing a navy; the nation’s strength didn’t allow for simultaneous maritime and land power development.

Therefore, sacrifices were necessary. Theoretically, after the alliance was formed, Prussia wouldn’t have to worry about land security and could reduce the army to develop a navy and acquire overseas colonies.

Unfortunately, Prussia was the Prussia of the Junker aristocracy, who were unlikely to give up their interests for the country’s benefit.

Franz understood this issue well, but that didn’t mean everyone did, especially maritime nations like the United Kingdom.

In their view, if profits could be easily garnered from overseas, why bother with risky ventures on the European Continent?

Given the current international situation, the chances of the Kingdom of Prussia successfully expanding in the European Continent were nearly nonexistent; the British thought the Prussian Government was not so foolish.

Prime Minister John Russell decisively said, “Mr. Palmerston, the Great Britain Empire already has enough enemies; we do not need to add a formidable one.

Now, I don’t care how the Foreign Affairs Office does it, but we simply cannot allow a unified government to emerge in the Germany Region—even in name only!

It’s best to see the German Federal Parliament disbanded; I always feel that letting them gather together will sooner or later become a big problem for us.”

Palmerston replied confidently, “Rest assured, Prime Minister. The Germany Region will not be unified; it’s not just us who want to dismantle them!”